« September 2006 | Main | November 2006 »

October 27, 2006

College Board Could Help or Harm Rural Students

Low-wealth school districts, especially those that are also small, often have Sophie’s choices forced upon them. They’re required to sacrifice educationally some of their students as the price for supposedly buying opportunities for others.

To be sure, lots of students fall through the cracks in all kinds of schools. And in some schools those cracks are widened into chasms by poverty, abuse, and the low expectations, disregard, and hostility that accompany the various –isms. Even as thousands of educators and parents and communities and students struggle daily against the circumstance and bad policy that opened the chasms, we haven’t summoned the collective will or wisdom to address the underlying causes.

This is a challenging mix for schools. Add to it insufficient funding, prescriptive curriculum requirements, and policies like minimum school or district enrollment and small, low-wealth districts are forced to make deliberate choices that harm kids.

Here’s how it tends to work; districts are increasingly required to offer a range of classes, usually advanced ones, so those kids who want to go to college have the “advantages” of kids in wealthy districts with lots of curriculum options. When small under-funded districts don’t have the resources to offer all those classes, the “solution” forced on them is to close them and send their students long distances to larger schools in other communities.

One of the problems with this fix is that it in order to see that a few kids get calculus or a third year of foreign language or journalism, for example, a few more kids don’t go to school any more at all, and a few more don’t take any challenging classes. A so-called solution for some kids is a disaster for others.

So it’s been with enthusiasm and relief that many small rural districts have embraced distance education opportunities. Distance education provides a means to offer low-demand classes and other services (often, but not always, advanced courses) for the students who want or need them without having to sacrifice the positive school climate, community support, and personal attention that is essential for the most vulnerable kids and proven to be more common—and more achievable—in small schools and districts.

The ideal forms of distance education link teachers in students in real-time, two-way interaction. Teachers and students see and hear each other and pursue active learning opportunities equivalent to the best classrooms. Two-way distance learning networks strengthen the capacities of schools and communities by allowing them to share their resources and to build their telecommunications savvy and infrastructure. Such networks, along with other opportunities and issues related to distance learning, are explored in a great paper, “The Power and the Promise” available on the Rural Trust website.

In addition to two-way distance learning opportunities, internet-based classes provide important resources for offering classes when there is no teacher or a student has a unique interest. Publicly operated and privately owned “virtual” schools have sprung up across the country and are widely used in schools of all sizes and all income and wealth levels. Virtual classes allow students to take a class that is simply not offered in the school schedule, or only offered at a time that conflicts with another class. They allow students to take classes outside of the regular school day and so help students who are trying to recover credit, expand their school record, or earn college credits. They allow schools of all sizes to continue offering needed classes even if the school loses a Highly Qualified teacher in a hard-to-recruit field the day before the school year starts.

Many of the classes that are offered online as virtual classes are Advanced Placement (AP) courses. These challenging classes are monitored by the College Board and students are allowed to take exams at the end of the class that some colleges accept as equivalent to college credit.

Last week the College Board announced plans to investigate online AP science classes and consider whether the classes can bear a college credit option without a physical lab component. In many of the online science classes, students do all lab work “virtually.” The move by the College Board was prompted by a group of college professors that challenged the classes claiming that students who don’t get the physical hands-on experience of lab work are not adequately prepared for second year college classes. Online educators counter by pointing to the high scores of online students on the AP science tests.

Some people think the move by the College Board represents the most serious threat to-date to online learning opportunities for K-12 students. You can read more about it in an article that appeared in the New York Times or the Sarasota Herald-Tribune. (Note: these links may require registration and may expire over time.)

There’s no question that students who take online classes deserve high quality coursework, personalized instruction, and real opportunity to learn as much as any other student. And there’s no question that not all virtual learning opportunities meet this standard. So, review is warranted.

But the review does raise questions. One of those quesions is about the validity of the testing process. If the College Board doubts that students who score well are actually prepared well, it’s really a doubt about the organization’s ability to adequately measure student knowledge. In that sense it’s good to see such a major player in the American testing industry acknowledge, however obliquely, that single event tests may not be fully adequate measures of what students know and, especially in this case, what they can do.

But let’s hope that the review results in more knowledge about what makes distance and virtual learning instruction effective. Afterall, isn’t that the real purpose of assessment?

More importantly, the review should take pains to ensure that its outcomes do not result in fewer opportunities for students to take challenging courses. And that includes the students who are not enrolled in the prestigious AP classes, but are enrolled in the schools that need those classes made available virtually. The College Board has a real opportunity to contribute important information to the American educational process. And, until fiscal equity is achieved for all schools and students, the College Boardt has a real opportunity to contribute to the educational equity and functionality of the nation's system of schooling its young. It can help eliminate the need for those disastrous choices among students that are currently forced on many good schools and districts.

October 26, 2006

The Heretic from Nebraska

Nebraska doesn’t produce many heretics. Certainly not in the field of education.

There was of course, William Jennings Bryan, the populist Democrat who shaped a progressive political agenda around monetary policy, trust-busting, and peace, as a three-time candidate for President. That was before he succumbed to the darker angels in his soul and fought the teaching of evolution in the Scopes monkey trial that ended just days before his death. Let’s thank him for the progressive income tax and our anti-trust laws and forget his views on education.

No, when it comes to famous educators, Nebraska settles for a few prominent, but entirely conventional, college administrators, like Roscoe Pound who served as dean of the law schools at Nebraska and Harvard, or Ford Foundation president Henry Heald, and lots of major university presidents. Mostly, it seems, you have to leave Nebraska to be a leader in education.

Of course, there was Frank Cyr, a Nebraskan who ushered in the school bus safety movement, and is remembered (seriously) as

the “father of the yellow school bus.” Not exactly heretical.

So it should seem a little unusual that in the age of orthodoxies like standardization, centralization, and accountability, Nebraska should produce the most heretical education leader in the nation.

But that has happened. His name is Doug Christensen, he is Nebraska’s Commissioner of Education, and he is a heretic.

He is a heretic who just recently got a sustained standing ovation after giving a speech on – hold on to your hats, you who are slow to excite – classroom assessment. Classroom assessment? A topic so esoteric that it makes actuarial science sound fun.

Christensen doesn’t look the part of either heretic or orator. With a ruddy Scandinavian complexion, broad shoulders, strong chin, and full head of sandy colored hair, he looks a lot more like a Big Red middle linebacker than a chief state school officer.

The truth is that Christensen is not a heretic by nature. Times make the man. And in the age of No Child Left Behind, any educator of integrity ought to preach a little heresy.

Especially when it comes to assessment. And preach Christensen does. He rails against the orthodoxy of “centralization, standardization, and high stakes consequences,” saying they “create cultures that literally suck the oxygen out of the work” of classroom teachers and “treat students, teachers, and data as ‘commodities’ to be manipulated as variables in some kind of strange economy or in some perverse experiment.” Not quite Bryan's "Cross of Gold" hyperbole, but pretty good rhetoric.

Christensen says that curricular standards and assessments should not be designed to label kids and schools as failures, but to help teachers and students understand whether their practices are working and how they should change. He talks about empowering students and teachers by making assessments a routine and on-going part of instruction in the classroom, where feedback is instantaneous. He says assessment is seldom an event but a continuous process. Tell that to your neighborhood standardized testing company.

Geez, a middle linebacker who knows something about assessment research.

And he has used what he knows to design a state assessment system that relies on local classroom assessments based either on local standards or on Nebraska’s state standards, which, in contrast to the flabby and exudative volumes most states have produced in a race to claim “most rigorous,” are lean and muscular and clear cut.

In Nebraska, the local assessment system has to pass muster with external experts. The assessment itself, as well as the student performance it assesses, are rated on the state’s accountability website. Imagine that. Assessing the assessment. Out-accounting the accountability czars.

There is also a statewide writing assessment that is scored both in state and by out-of-state experts, for control, and all districts must also choose a norm-referenced test to see how Nebraska kids are stacking up nationally.

But would this decentralized, heretical system focused on intelligent use of assessment skills at the classroom level pass muster with the No Child Left Behind police in Washington, D.C? Could they imagine an assessment world that is not threatening, not controlled from above, not totally removed from the practice of teaching and learning?

“No!” they could not, said federal department of education regulators last June. Nebraska was one of only two states whose system was flatly declared “non-approved.”

But Christensen persisted. He asked them to take a closer look. He sent them reams of documentation of the theoretical and practical details of the program. He invited Assistant Secretary of Education Henry Johnson and his assessment regulators to come to Omaha to observe this system in practice.

There they were met by teachers – not by state officials or academic testing experts. Well, except these teachers are assessment experts. They spent a day explaining the system and why it works, how it empowers them to teach and their charges to learn, how it was changing the classroom, how it brought joy back into their lives as teachers. How it worked to improve performance.

Christensen says he was proud of their passion, and proud too of their “assessment literacy.” Assessment literacy? Where did they get this guy? If he’s not careful he’s going to make people think that ordinary people can do extra-ordinary things when you have faith in them.

“As I sat there and watched our educators and listened to their words, I swear I could hear their hearts and it was all I could do to keep tears from rolling. What a profound and proud moment that was,” he says.

I’m beginning to understand the standing ovation.

It worked. Assistant Secretary Johnson went back to Washington and wrote a letter taking Nebraska off the non-approved listing. Heretic blessing.

Heretics, of course, often become orthodox with time. That’s because they are not afraid to point out that the emperor has no clothes. And they are not afraid to march to a different drummer, defy oppressive rules, and cry a tear or two for the sake of cleansing the soul. Heresy often prevails, because it liberates people from the unreasonable. Then heretics become leaders.

We could use a few more heretics as Congress ambles toward its date with reauthorizing No Child Left Behind. And we could use a few more leaders like Doug Christensen.


October 20, 2006

When Fighting for A Rural Community is Fighting For Rural Kids

When small rural communities close (or lose) their school it’s equivalent to a major employer shutting down, AND it redirects local tax money to another town.

Those are major points in an interesting comment posted yesterday on the Consolidation/Small Schools Resource Page here on Rural Matters. You can read the comment here by scrolling down the page.

The fate of the community is one of the most common concerns of rural people when the school is threatened. And with good reason. Schools are often the only public institution in rural communities, the largest employer, and the single organization that touches almost everyone. The community’s tax dollars support it, and if it’s in its own district, the community governs it.

The school in a rural community usually provides a common ground of shared ownership and responsibility that knits people together, strengthens the informal channels of communication, fuels the economy, and creates structures through which people know and help take care of each other. It’s true that some communities want to keep a school primarily to horde wealth or deny opportunity to others. But by and large rural communities want to keep a school because they want to remain a community.

When the school is closed, the basic infrastructure of the community is gutted. The community has a harder time communicating with and taking care of itself—including its children.

Which brings up one of the most common, yet illogical, charges against rural communities that are fighting for their school. That charge (almost always made by people whose own children are securely attending school where they live and not a two hour bus ride away) is that the sole purpose of school is for "educating children--individual children, not for keeping a community alive.

As if you can kill a child’s community without harming the child. As if a drastic reduction in the opportunities of adults to spend time with and know their children has no implications. As if the removal of the structures that enable the child to contribute in a valuable way to the life and liveliness of the place he or she lives has no consequences. As if the destruction of a public institution has no effect on a growing citizen’s sense of what her or his own civic obligations might be. As if all of this has no impact on the education of the child.

We’re fond of saying in this country that public schools aren’t just about preparing kids for vocations—however lofty those vocations might be. We like to say that public schools are also for preparing kids to be good citizens—to know and practice and test the ethics and responsibilities of citizenship. We even go so far as saying that public schools serve the good of the country as a whole by forging the concept as well as supporting some reality of the common good.

If we believe what we say, then schools are fundamental public institutions and do, in fact, have a role in creating healthy communities where opportunities are possible, citizenship and democracy are practiced, and individuals nurtured by others who know and value them throughout their life times.

It’s hard to image that any small city would think it a good idea to close all its schools and send kids to a larger city an hour or two away—where presumably the students could have more varieties of classes and activities, more individual choices. Parents and others would be up in arms, recognizing the harm to their small city, the harm to their children. (And these small cities would still have other public institutions, government offices, markets, and employers helping to keep the city intact.) Almost everyone would understand that the small city could not take care of its children if it did not provide schools. The imminent economic decline and social collapse would be obvious, as would its potentially disastrous effects on the children.

Why should it be any different for rural communities? And, why should the fight of rural communities to retain a school be complicated by the chronic under-resourcing of rural schools that is so common across the country?

It shouldn't be different for rural communities. Small rural communities deserve the resources to provide good schools for their children where they live. And when rural people fight to keep their school as a way to keep their community alive, it should be viewed for what it is: a fight of citizens for a basic resource of a healthy community. And that’s a fight for the well-being of that community’s children.

What do you think?

How are communities important to the well-being and education of children and teenagers? How does your rural school contribute to the well-being of your community?

It’s easy to share your thoughts here on Rural Matters. Scroll down a few lines to the "Post a Comment" section, and follow the simple instructions. You can ignore the box for URL and write your thoughts in the box labeled "Comments."

We want to hear from you.

October 16, 2006

What We Know and Don’t About Busing

This morning, 450,000 schools buses, many running double routes, rounded up 25 million kids – over half of all public school students – and hauled them off to school, covering about 22 million miles along the way. That was today. And it will be the same tomorrow.

Over the course of the school year, these busses will travel a stunning 4 billion miles and eat up over $15 billion of public education dollars, about 8 percent of total current expenditures for K-12 schools.

There will be about 10 billion student-passenger trips. There are more passenger trips on school buses each year than in the entire public bus transit system nationwide.

As rural schools consolidate and attendance areas get larger, these numbers will get larger. Today, we spend twice as much per pupil on school transportation as we did in 1967, after adjusting for inflation.

What do we know about this massive part of our education system? Quite a bit.

We know how to calculate the expected life cycle of a bus, the optimum time (in years or mileage) to replace one, the precise maintenance schedule, how to design school facilities to optimize bus traffic flow and to minimize safety risks, how to schedule routes for optimum efficiency, how to select the right combination of busses for your school’s fleet, how to make buses safe without seatbelts, how to train drivers to deal with emergencies, and a great deal more.

In other words, we know a lot about the things that are technically, financially, legally, or administratively important to know. On other matters we know less.

We do not know how bus rides affect student achievement, homework completion, dropout rates, graduation rates, grade retention rates, eating and sleeping habits, participation in challenging courses or extra-curricular activities, or family and peer group relations. We certainly do not know how long a ride produces how much effect in these areas.

We are learning more all the time about air quality issues and the effect on students of gaseous emissions from buses. But even in this area we are only beginning to accumulate evidence.

Some rural children in this country spend as much time on the bus as they do in the academic classroom. And more are being asked every year to spend a bigger share of their day on the bump and grind express. As rural schools close, more are expected to ride longer to schools further away from home.

And in case you’re wondering, yes, this captive audience of children makes a great advertising market for companies hoping to buy their way into the school bus radio. And why shouldn’t school officials take their money? Got to pay for that gasoline somehow.

You get the feeling that the bigger and more expensive the transportation system gets, and the longer the bus rides children must endure, the less apt we are to get answers to any questions that might challenge the wisdom of long bus rides to big schools far from home.

October 10, 2006

The Many Meanings of “Small”

Seems there are ever more kinds of small schools every day. In recent days we have noted schools that are “necessarily small,” “small by default,” “small by choice,” “small by design,” part of “small learning communities,” and “naturally small.”

It is worth noting that the proliferation of terms to describe schools that are not big parallels a growth in awareness that, in education, small works. Make no mistake, all these terms carry the political baggage of school finance battles in which various interests are trying to win a bigger piece of the pie, or keep others from getting a bigger piece of the pie, or making sure their kind of smallness and not someone else’s kind of smallness gets a bigger piece of the pie.

It’s time we had a glossary to sort out the political nuances of these terms. Here’s my offering. What’s yours?

Necessarily small. Like “deserving poor,” this is a purely political term used to feign concern for some unfortunate communities forced to have small schools, while implicitly labeling other communities who could consolidate, but won’t as anti-progressive. Used by politicians engaged in divide-and-conquer strategies to separate rural schools into those that can get needed support from the state and those who aren’t worthy of it. Creates winners and losers among rural districts and by tweaking definitions a little bit, you can buy the votes you need to pass most any bill that takes money away from rural schools that are small, but not “necessarily small.” Almost always closely attached to the concepts of “remote,” “isolated,” and “sparse,” all of which provide ample opportunities for tweaking. If you are any of these, it’s forgivable to be small because, although undesirable, it’s a necessary evil. Note: A little more tweaking and you have a new batch of undeserving, unnecessarily evil small schools.

Small by default. A variant of “necessarily small,” but used primarily by smug academics to disguise (ineffectively) their contempt for small, rural schools they consider to be too small to fit their statistical model of perfection, and therefore irremediably defective. These schools are not just small, but tiny, and exist only due to the failure of those who support them to come to their senses, move to the city, and report for duty in the crusade for standards-based reform. These schools will eventually pass into history, unworthy, unwanted and unmourned, as all things “in default” eventually do.

Small by choice. Also a primarily political term, and in contrast to “necessarily small,” this phrase describes how politicians see rural schools that are within a reasonable driving distance of another school and could consolidate but don’t want to, so that’s their decision, but we will not give them the money they need to be a good, small school. They are a luxury, and we tax luxuries. Definition: Not sparse, isolated, or remote, and enrollment below some politically approved number that bears no relationship to school performance, academic standards, curriculum content, graduation rate, or success in college. If you choose to be small, we starve you out of business.

Small by design (or “intention”). Not to be confused with “small by choice,” this phrase is used by urban small school advocates to refer to new small schools carved out of the wreckage of urban education. We don’t have to be small, ‘cause we’re in a city, so we could be big, but we but just wanna be small because we know it works and it’s fashionable and because of the mess we are in with our dysfunctional big schools. We want to change, and think that by starting over again, smaller and smarter, urban schools can become good schools. We are different from small rural schools because we are new schools starting out fresh with expertise, and not merely stuck-in-the-mud, old fashioned and small because we are afraid of change, like they are.

Small learning communities. This is the polite term used by people who want to capture the performance benefits of smallness and the efficiency benefits of bigness by staying big but pretending to be small. Call it Ersatz Small. Sometimes it means big schools are fine as long as classes are small, a favorite view of the teaching profession. Sometimes it means that big schools are fine as long as you invent administrative subdivision, as in Schools-Within-Schools, where decentralized decision making is supposed to make up for mass production and pig-piling of students into factory buildings. No evidence it works, but hey, this is education politics. And no, we don’t think real small schools need to be supported unless they are necessarily small.

Naturally small. A somewhat defensive term used by rural advocates as an attractive alternative to “small by choice.” It implies an inherent relationship between smallness and ruralness and suggests that it is not natural to put big schools in small places even if you can get away with shipping kids a long way from home. But it implies that there is something unnatural about small schools in larger communities, and begs the question of whether smallness has a virtue in places where you can reasonably assemble large numbers of kids close to their homes. It implies that smallness is a virtue reserved for rural places.

Essentially small. A newcomer. Frankly, I think I just made it up. It means that smallness is an educational virtue everywhere, and should be politically supported as an essential part of a quality education for all children. Small schools and small classes, in both small communities and large, whether necessary or natural or not, yes, by design, but real, not pretend, and certainly as a matter of choice. Surely, schools will vary in size according to the size of the community they serve, the physical constraints of travel, the power of technology to deliver some services through cyberspace, and a lot of other factors. But all schools should be small enough so that every adult who teaches or leads in them can know every child, every child’s participation is needed and wanted, every school activity is accessible on reasonable terms to every parent, kids don't spend hours on buses every day, most important decisions can be discussed by everyone affected at one time and in one place (preferably without a microphone), and a change in school policy can be implemented by mutual consent. Communities everywhere long for such schools.

October 04, 2006

Why What Happened to Paron Matters, Even if You're Not From Arkansas

The state of Arkansas has for the last several years—and especially since the Supreme Court found the state school finance system unconstitutional—pursued aggressive policies to consolidate rural districts, and subsequently close small schools. Those policies are the subject of much contention in Arkansas. In the summer of 2006, the fight of the rural community of Paron to save its high school from closure became a flashpoint in the Arkansas debate over rural education.

But no matter where you live, if you care about honest reporting or rural kids or good education, it’s worth paying attention to what happened to Paron, especially in the press. That’s because what happened to Paron is a not just a travesty of justice, but an object lesson in the ways an irresponsible press does real harm to rural kids and their communities.

For background purposes you need to know that the rural school district of Paron was annexed to the Bryant School District in 2004. In the spring of 2006 the Bryant district voted to remove grades six through twelve from Paron’s school and send those kids to school in Bryant. The State Board of Education subsequently upheld the consolidation decision. Paron residents fought the consolidation and sued. They initially won the right to keep the school open, at least temporarily. But after several court reversals the middle and high schools were closed. For more detailed background, see What Really Happened in Paron, Arkansas.

Events surrounding the court case in Paron made news almost daily in late summer. But, if you were just reading the Arkansas papers, you would have a hard time figuring out what the real situation was. You wouldn’t have accurate information about the school or its students, the efforts of parents and community residents, or the maneuverings of the interests that wished Paron closed.

In this Rural Matters post, we hope to expose some of the larger problems that plague the coverage of rural education generally by pointing out some of the egregious flaws in the way the Paron story was covered in much of Arkansas’s media. And, more importantly, we hope we offer more responsible ways to frame the issues facing rural schools and communities.

Misconstruing and Omitting Facts

One of the more problematic aspects of the media’s coverage of the situation in Paron was the consistent way in which important information was left out. Since the information that was excluded did not support a perspective that rural schools, especially small ones, are inferior and should be closed, there’s a strong impression that ideology trumped fact in most coverage. Here’s a sampling of some of the ways omitted and misconstrued facts created a false impression of the school in Paron.

Academics. The press widely reported that Paron was on “academic and fiscal distress,” the allegations made against it by Bryant district when it was arguing to close Paron. The implication was left to hang, without investigation, that Paron students were doing poorly.

Realities were different, however.

Paron students performed above state and district averages on the vast majority of state indicators, its graduates do well in college, the high school offered 44 classes, and students were enrolled in all 38 state-required classes. (See, Facts are Stubborn Things, Mr. Greenberg for more information.)

So what was the “distress?”

Paron ran afoul of the 38-course rule, but not until a few days before the State Board hearing on the fate of the school. That’s when the State Department of Education, which has an avowedly pro-consolidation stance and provides hefty financial incentives to districts for consolidation (a position not noted in news coverage), pulled the certification “waiver” of the journalism teacher at Paron. Mind you, the journalism teacher was fully certified in English, Speech, and Drama and had a master’s degree and the credentials to teach Advanced Placement English—just not full certification in journalism. Note also that journalism is not one of the subjects in which the teacher is required to be certified/Highly Qualified by the federal No Child Left Behind law. And, note as well that waivers are commonly granted to teachers who are in the process of adding additional subject certifications to their teaching licenses.

Nevertheless, the journalism teacher’s “waiver” was suddenly revoked and Paron High was placed on academic “distress” because journalism is one of the 38 required classes. It’s also worth pointing out at this point that Arkansas requires that every high school enroll students in the 38 specific classes every year. Alternative or advanced placement versions of the classes cannot be counted among the 38. Schools that don’t enroll students in all the 38 required classes are placed in “academic distress” and can be forced to close regardless of how well students are actually performing.

The inconvenient facts of Paron’s academic situation were left out of coverage.

Instead, much of the media repeated, wrongly, that Paron could “not even offer the minimum 38 classes.” Some reports regularly compared Paron’s alleged inability to offer 38 classes to Bryant’s offering of 150 classes. But those reports didn’t reveal what the Bryant classes are or how many students participate in them. Nor did they point out that a higher percentage of students at Bryant scored below Basic on state tests, a point that might have raised questions about what the wide choice of classes at Bryant is doing for those vulnerable young people.

Not only did the press misrepresent Paron’s academic record, it failed to provide any information about the larger issues of achievement and curriculum and school size that would help frame a responsible debate. There was no mention of the extensive body of research that indicates that students in smaller schools perform better academically on average than similar students in larger schools and that the impact of school size is especially strong for low-income students.

There was no mention of the unresolved national discussion over whether a broad curriculum that accommodates students’ idiosyncratic interests is better than a narrowly focused curriculum that builds all students’ core knowledge and skill.

There was some mention of alterative ways to offer curriculum. One editorial disparaged a Spanish class offered at Paron through interactive distance learning as “broadcast Spanish.” But there was no serious exploration of delivery systems—like interactive distance learning—that enable small rural schools to offer additional classes and enable states to protect students from the kind of lengthy daily bus rides that would make most adults too tired to perform rigorous mental work.

Length of Bus Ride. Academic facts weren’t the only facts that were left out or misrepresented in most of the coverage of Paron. One of the chief concerns of Paron supporters was the length of time students would have to ride a bus if the high school were closed. Parents didn’t want to subject their children to a four hour—yes, that’s right, four hour—daily bus ride …on 30-miles of winding two-lane road that connect Paron and Bryant. Parents were concerned that 20 hours a week on a bus wouldn’t be good for their kids, that it would steal time for homework and school activities and reduce the quality of family life. They didn’t like that Bryant had no plans to run late buses for Paron students who wished to stay after school for extracurricular activities.

But the reality and consequences of a daily four-hour bus ride were largely ignored in the media. Instead, there were moralistic recommendations that if Paron parents really cared about their kids they would arrange carpools to take their kids to school and activities.

Did any media outlets do the math on that recommendation? If they had they would have been forced to report that a 60 mile round trip in a van (remember they’re supposed to carpool) would cost a family upwards of $50 a week, a “consolidation tax” if you will on working rural families. And a van can only transport a small fraction of Paron’s students.

The press parroted the state and district’s assertion that the larger school will offer Paron students more classes and activities. But it didn’t mention the obvious fact that four hours of bus time each day will limit the ability of Paron kids to take the most challenging of Bryant’s classes and that without transportation students can’t participate in after-school activities. There was virtually no coverage given to the multiple ways in which distance bars student access to educational programs and opportunity.

By failing to expose the educational inequities forced on rural students by the removal of schools from their communities, the press effectively endorses those inequities.

Right to Participate in Decisions. One of the most important responsibilities of a free press is to stand guard over the processes of democracy by exposing the ways in which those processes are thwarted. One of those processes—the means by which all parties are able to exercise their rights to participate in and be heard in public hearings and public policy decisions affecting them—is fundamental.

Most states have some process, at least nominally, which enables rural residents to participate in decisions affecting their public school. A responsible press has an obligation to report the extent to which these processes are indeed open and not predetermined, the extent to which they strengthen or undermine democratic participation in public policy making and implementation.

One of Paron’s complaints was that it was not allowed to present or question witnesses in the hearing on whether the high school would remain open in the community. But the Arkansas press was mute in the face of this complaint and reneged its own power as a keeper of democratic process and participation. There weren’t even questions raised about how decisions to close schools and impose long-distance bussing on rural students are made and what that decision-making process means for the rights of parents and communities in terms of their own children.

When it all boils down in Arkansas, as in most states, the debate over rural education is fundamentally a debate over whether rural communities can have schools and whether rural residents will be allowed into the public school governance process in meaningful ways. It’s at root a debate over whether public education has any relation to democracy in rural places.

The failure of the press to frame the issue of school location and governance within the context of larger democratic processes and values is significant far beyond the small communities whose children are forced to migrate out every day just to go to school.

Failure to Investigate

Omitting facts is sometimes a willful effort to exclude information that doesn’t suit a particular point of view; sometimes it’s a result of failure to investigate. So perhaps it’s splitting hairs to distinguish the two here. But the allegation of “fiscal distress” at Paron High is one that simply goes begging an awful lot of questions.

Bryant School District alleged fiscal distress at Paron based on a projected deficit of $234,000. The media repeated the language of fiscal problems at Paron. But they didn’t investigate. Even basic questions like what the numbers were based on were not raised. Nor were other fundamental questions such as: How specifically will closing Paron High school reduce costs to the district? What additional costs will the district incur by transporting the high school students to Bryant? Will the costs of operating an elementary school in Paron be significantly less than operating both an elementary and a high school in the community? What will the transfer of Paron students to other districts cost Bryant? Is the budgeting process at Bryant transparent?

There were not questions about what the research says on the fiscal impact of consolidation (no real savings in most cases). No questions about how consolidation decisions are reached. No question on curriculum. No questions on bus rides. No questions on student performance. No questions about much of anything.

Name-Calling, Cultural Slurring, and Feigned Concern

The failures of the Arkansas press in reporting the news on Paron were made all the more galling by the editorial board at the state’s daily paper, the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, which framed cultural denigration and personal vitriol as legitimate perspective in its editorials on the matter.

The most obviously pathetic of the paper’s attempts to rain down contempt on supporters of small schools and Paron in particular was its pattern of calling people names. Supporters of Paron were labeled “paronistas,” an apparent reference to the Nicaraguan party that held power in that country in the 1980s. Rural Arkansans were referred to as “Arkies.” The court case was referred to as “Paron High School vs. Academic Standards, Common Sense and Accountability.” Supporters of Paron were accused of breaking the “damfool” rule. Plaintiffs—Paron residents seeking enforcement of democratic rights and trying to shield their children from four hour bus rides—were alluded to as “litigious.” (We have to ask, would they have been negligent if they hadn’t tried to intervene on behalf of their children?) Even politicians and public figures who questioned the value of closing rural schools were accused of “pandering” to rural interests and perpetuating “ignorance” among rural people.

One tactic used by a biased and dogmatic regime to strip basic rights and opportunities from entire groups of people, including children, is to denigrate the culture and communities of those people. A convenient flip side to this tactic is feigned concern—especially for the children. The Democrat-Gazette did both. It cloaked its destructive and hateful positions on rural schools and rural people in a mantle of pretend-care for the 110 displaced students of Paron. So-robed, the writers self-righteously pronounced illegitimate solutions to made-up problems, implying in the process that adults in Paron were both negligent and stupid.

Had the paper had the guts to report the facts: that closing Paron High forces inhumane bus rides on 11-year olds, disrupts families, and reduces the real (not paper) educational opportunities for those kids, it would not have needed to put up a front of concern. But it could not have advocated closing the school either.

Instead, the paper mischaracterized the school as failing and ridiculed the hundreds of adults in Paron—and by extension the thousands of adults all over rural Arkansas—fighting for the well-being of their children, fighting to stay involved in their kids’ lives and their educations. The editorial staff’s fake concern was a dirty trick to re-appropriate the legitimate concern of rural parents as its own dishonest shield from real responsibility.

For some of its editorials, the paper adopted an aw-shucks, pseudo-colloquial style that made a mockery of rural (rural southern, in particular) ways of speaking. Perhaps to disguise the denigration, one editorial made a point to mention how smart the writers found rural people in Arkansas to be. “We know these folks are no dummies,” it asserted and went on to opine about brighter stars away from city lights and healthy tomato plants (suggesting that’s about the sum of rural life). Then the editorial staff poses the question, “So if rural folks aren’t dumb, why treat them that way?”

Good question.

And, what’s the editorial board’s answer? It would seem that its answer is to treat the entire Arkansas public as if it is “dumb” by peddling false information, bullying legitimately concerned and involved citizens, and abdicating responsibility for fact, thought, and the role of the press. The question doesn’t hide anything, however: the editorial board asserts in multiple ways its own view that rural people aren’t smart enough to know what’s good for their children, that they should be denied any say over the schooling of children who live in rural areas, and that children should be removed from rural communities to be educated. It's a fundamental cynicism, not just about rural people, but about democracy itself.

So there you have it: the reason what happened in Paron matters everywhere.

One small Arkansas community managed to expose an awful lot about honesty in reporting, about cultural respect, about good education for rural kids, and about the basic political underpinnings of our country. Let’s hope that lots of reporters and editorialists are interested in learning. We’d sure welcome some learning in Arkansas.


Check out What Really Happened in Paron, Arkansas for a summary of events and Facts are Stubborn Things, Mr. Greenberg and Paron and the Propagandist for more perspective on the Democrat-Gazette’s editorials on Paron.

October 03, 2006

Corporal Punishment -- Still Legal in 22 States

Slapping kids around to keep them in order is a lot less unusual in schools than you might think. Corporal punishment – using physical force on kids to maintain discipline or enforce school rules – has been condemned by common sense and all kinds of scholarly research.

But it happens. A lot.

Take Florida, for example, one state that keeps score and posts the results on its website. It’s not a pretty picture, especially in small rural districts.

First, let’s report the good news. Between school years 1988-89 and 2003-04, the number of kids who were physically attacked as a matter of discipline in Florida schools fell by 85 percent. The bad news is: That’s still 9,472 beaten kids.

By the way, that’s the number of kids who got hit, not the number of times they got hit, or the number of episodes in which they got hit. No one keeps those scores.

According to the Center for Effective Discipline (www.stophitting.com/disatschool/statesBanning.php), 22 states, mostly in the South and West, permit corporal punishment. The other 28 have come to their senses. In nine of those 22, over half the students are in districts that have banned it. Florida is one of those nine.

These data speak between the lines to a rural problem, and a closer look at Florida reinforces that view.

Forty-three of Florida’s 67 districts allow corporal punishment. But six of Florida’s seven largest districts, with over 100,000 students each and a total enrollment of half the state’s public school children, prohibit corporal punishment or don’t use it as a matter of practice. The seventh, Duval, serving Jacksonville, lead the state with 1,026 student victims in 2003-04. But that represented fewer than one percent of its 129,553 enrollment.

Contrast that with the state’s ten smallest rural districts that together enrolled only 17,053 students that year. They hit 1,258 kids, over seven percent of the kids in their charge. Three of those tiny districts did most of the damage. They struck 856 kids. Some of these numbers are staggering.

Gulf County District administered corporal punishment to184 kids – a different kid every day for the entire school year. One out of every dozen kids got hit.

Jefferson County District hit 273 of only 1,485 kids enrolled there – 18 percent.

But the trophy for madness goes to Hamilton County which pummeled 399 kids – more than two different kids on average every school day – a buttocks-numbing 19.4 percent of their 2,057 students got taken to the woodshed.

And I repeat, those are the number of kids that were hit, not the number of times kids were hit. Each of those 399 might have been hit a dozen times during the year.

Hamilton was almost, but not quite, as likely to hit a kid as it was to suspend one. It locked 448 kids out of school that year, and isolated 423 of them with in-school suspensions.

Like a lot of district level data, these are subject to reporting error. One superintendent thinks grabbing a kid on the arm is corporal punishment. Another thinks it’s not a reportable incident until you beat the kid with a stick.

But I think these differences are strikingly real, not just reporting errors. And it is a rural problem. Is that because rural parents expect – even want – harsher punishment? Is it because no one talks about these things in rural areas? Is it a rural code of respect for authority? How big a factor are race and poverty?

And how much of this goes on in ninth grade, that year before the No Child Left Behind mandated accountability test?

Florida has bragged about how it has boosted test scores and reduced the achievement gap between White and Black high schoolers. But Boston College researcher Walter M. Haney has shown statistically that Florida’s apparent gains are only the result of an explosion in the retention rate of low-income and minority students in ninth grade. Keeping the poorer test takers back “improves” the test performance of tenth graders. Haney calls it the Florida Fraud.

Are suspensions, beatings, and other disciplinary practices part of an instinct to get rid of poor test takers before they can ruin the state’s image as an education miracle worker?

We don’t know that. We don’t accuse. But we wonder.

And if it is, no one should assume that Florida is unique.

What Really Happened in Paron, Arkansas

The rural community of Paron, Arkansas has been the center of a media storm in that state for much of the summer. A rapid fire series of court actions re-opened, closed, re-opened, and then closed again Paron High School.

Several commentaries here on Rural Matters relate to how the state media in Arkansas covered the Paron story. Check out Facts Are Stubborn Things, Mr. Greenberg, Why Paron Matters, Even If You're Not From Arkansas, and Paron and the Propagandists.

In order to help our readers make sense of the Paron story and how it was covered, we’ve presented this news piece that summarizes events as they unfolded.

Background

The Paron school district was one of 57 districts that have been dissolved by the Arkansas legislature since it passed Act 60 in 2003. Act 60 requires all public school districts to have at least 350 students. Arkansas provides several legal methods by which small districts can be dismantled. The method used to dissolve Paron was to annex it to the neighboring Bryant district. In annexation, the former district is subsumed to an existing district, which takes over governance. The receiving district gets a monetary incentive from the Arkansas Department of Education, plus all the buildings, bonds, and cash accounts of the former district. The former district gets proportional representation on the school board, which in most cases, including Paron’s means just one seat.

Paron District Annexed, High School Closed

Paron was annexed in 2004. In April of 2006—just before the state’s high-stakes testing regimen—Bryant’s school board voted, but not unanimously, to close Paron High School and bus its 6th through 12th grade students to Bryant, a daily ride of nearly four hours for most of the students. The Board cited “academic and fiscal distress” as reasons to close the school. See Facts Are Stubborn Things, Mr. Greenberg for more information about these allegations. Because the vote was not unanimous it had to be reviewed by the State Board of Education, which approved the decision in May.

Lawsuit Filed, Temporary Restraining Order Issued

Parents, students, and other residents of Paron then filed a law suit claiming that the long bus rides would harm students and their education. In June, Pulaski County Circuit Judge Jay Moody issued an eight-page Temporary Restraining Order (TRO) barring Bryant District from closing Paron High until the case could be heard on its merits. Moody said Paron plaintiffs had shown “that irreparable harm will be done to them if the Paron High School is closed prior to a full and fair hearing on the remaining counts of the Plaintiffs’ complaint. The Court further finds that the Plaintiffs have shown a reasonable likelihood of success on the merits of the case.”

Judge Moody cited 13 reasons for issuing the TRO. He noted that Paron students generally score above average on state and national tests. He specifically noted that the closure of the high school would require students to ride the bus up to four hours daily, with “significant amounts of time riding in the dark on dangerous roads…” He referenced a federal Appeals Court ruling that balanced transportation time with basic education rights in desegregation cases. And, he raised several questions about whether the State Board of Education had followed the Administrative Procedure Act and noted that the Bryant district had taken actions inconsistent with assurances that it would take no action to close Paron high prior to July 1, 2006.

Appeal, Order Overturned

The Bryant district appealed and in July the Arkansas Supreme Court overturned Moody’s order on the grounds that the Paron patrons had not named the Bryant district as a defendant in the original lawsuit. Paron lawyers re-filed, naming Bryant district as a defendant and alleging that Paron supporters were denied opportunities to question witnesses in a board hearing before the consolidation decision was made.

Bryant district, had already (prior to July 1, for which they were cited by Moody in the original TRO) re-assigned teachers from Paron and moved certain materials including computers from Paron High School. A majority of Paron’s 111 students in sixth through twelfth grade applied, under the state’s school choice law, for transfers to other school districts with schools closer to Paron than Bryant.

New Restraining Order

On the evening of Friday, the 18th of August, just two days before Bryant district was scheduled to begin classes on Monday, Judge Moody ruled again that Paron students would be harmed by long bus rides and issued another Temporary Restraining Order that blocked the district from closing the school.

Over the weekend, Paron parents worked at the school preparing classrooms for students, spreading the word that students could attend school there on Monday, and arranging for retired teachers in the community to hold classes.

Students Denied Entrance

Ninety-seven students showed up at Paron High on Monday morning, but Bryant district administrators, along with a Bryant police officer, were at the school and denied entrance to all but 34 students. Bryant claimed they couldn’t admit students who had either opted for Freedom of School Choice or Legal Transfers from other districts without releases from those districts and approval from Bryant. That process could take as long as a month. Paron supporters claimed that many of the students’ transfer hearings had not even been held, and spokespersons for Bryant district admitted, according to reports in Arkansas papers, that no transfers had been approved by the board since 2005. Paron supporters also asserted that Bryant officials had said throughout the summer’s turmoil that residents of the district would be able to attend school in the district if Paron High were open. Both Paron supporters and the Bryant District filed legal papers seeking various clarifications. The Bryant School District notified some of the students that they could return to school on Tuesday.

Order Dissolved, School Closed

Late on Tuesday afternoon, August 22, the day after Paron High had been re-opened, Judge Moody dissolved the TRO, clearing the way for Bryant to close the school. In the one-page order, Moody wrote simply that after a review of the administrative record and arguments of counsel, the court found the State Board of Educations’ hearing substantially complied with the Administrative Procedures Act and that the State Board had sufficient evidence to conclude that the closing of Paron High School was warranted.

Bryant district moved immediately to remove grades six through twelve from Paron and the high school was officially shuttered at the end of the school day on Wednesday, August 23.